Quechua planners used resources and knowledge of ancestral
cultures. That way they could improve the use of their geography
in order to establish a system of human settlements, to
create a road network and to improve communications, lodging
and supplying substructures (a broad and complete study
about this subject was done by Santiago Agurto from which
some of this information was taken). It is obvious that
Inkan City Planning depended on some elementary aspects,
among which we can mention their deep pantheist religion
that considered in a very special way their environment:
the Pachamama (Mother Earth), the Apus and Aukis (Mountains'
and Valleys' Spirits), the Wakas (Temples) framed in Ceques
(imaginary lines with Waka successions). City Planning was
also consequence of their broad pragmatism and the economic
sense that an urban center represented. The Inkas, being
a farming society had to reserve the best lands for their
main activity without wasting them for temples or villages
that were built in rustic terrains. Even inside the towns,
the streets were always narrow to take a maximum advantage
of the land. City Planning was also determined by some other
order and authority elements, with their aforementioned
principles of Bi, Tri and Fourth partition, Symmetry, Opposition,
Repetition and Subordination. Two parts are found in the
urban design of Inkan Qosqo City, Hanan Qosqo and Urin Qosqo
(upper and lower Qosqo); four sectors corresponding to the
four nations of the Tawantinsuyo; twelve neighborhoods resulting
from dividing each sector in three; and the subdivision
of each neighborhood in three sub-ones, Collana, Payan and
Cayao. Hanan was more important than Urin; while that Chinchaysuyo
opposed Collasuyo and Contisuyo to Antisuyo. City Planning
had an integrating position too, thus it normally tried
to be integrated with nature. That is the reason why the
Inkan Society is classified as eminently ecologist. Commonly,
inside an urban core its central part was occupied by temples
and palaces, while that the peripheries by settlements in
a decreasing way considering their importance.
The road network in pre-Hispanic Peru was really impressive
for its age. It caused wonder among the first Europeans
who visited the Tawantinsuyo and did not hesitate comparing
it with that developed by Romans that were the only ones
having something of such magnitude in the Old World. The
road network had to allow a fast intercommunication between
Qosqo and the entire Tawantinsuyo and vice versa. It was
intended to get territorial integration, after giving security,
relax and supplies for travelers, official suites or the
army. It was supposed to allow an efficient production,
gathering and redistribution of goods and raise tributary
resources. Roads and paths had different categories, functions
and characteristics according to their duties and the territory
where they were located. In the coast they were just dusty
ones but on a level higher than natural soil. Crossing the
deserts there were pegs and even ropes to make their limits.
In rainy and humid regions they were totally paved with
cobbles or flagstones. All roads were always planned to
give comfort to walking travelers. There was a road hierarchy
with two important categories: the first category formed
by the Inkañan (Inka Road) or royal roads that were,
for example, the ones that united Qosqo and the four "Suyos",
roads known as Qhapaq Ñan: principal or rich road.
In this same category were the Hatun Ñan: big or
broad road; they constituted the primary road network that
had between 10 to 25 thousand Kms. (6200 to 15500 miles),
with a width from 4 to 8 meters (13 to 26 ft). The second
category was formed by the Runañan (peoples' road)
or roads for common people; they served for communications
between villages and districts. The road system went over
the Tawantinsuyo longitudinal and transversely; all together
it reached some 40,000 Kms. (some 25000 miles). This system
was constantly supervised by officials following different
hierarchies as the Qhapaq Ñan Tukuyrikuq, the Hatun
Ñan Qamayoq or simply the Ñan Qamayoq.
Something very impressive were also the Bridges (Chaka)
under the charge of the Chaka Qamayoq. Bridges that had
to serve crossing rivers and had to be adapted to the site's
topography, distance and materials availability. According
to their construction procedure bridges can be grouped in:
a: Trunks and Logs Bridges. They were a favorite
type when bridges were small.
b: Stone Bridges. Formed by slabs and they existed
of two sorts: those of just one window, and those that presented
many windows or spaces to let water flow.
c: Huaros, Uruyas or Oroyas, Tarabitas (in Ecuador).
They were something like cable cars consisting in a very
thick hemp rope woven in "chawar" fibers. The
hemp rope was tied to thick trees or boulders, by which
an osier basket having a thick wooden handle and transporting
persons and goods was slid with the help of some other ropes.
d: Suspension Bridges. Constructed with thick hemp
ropes and cords braided with "Ichu" the local
wild bunch grass or fibers of "Pakpa" or Century
Plants (Agave americana). Sometimes they were reinforced
with leathers of South-American cameloids and tied to stone
supports in both banks of the river forming a narrow but
strong passage. The bridges of this type were known as "
Simp'achaka" or "braided bridge". Today,
the most eloquent example of this sort of bridge is that
found in Qheswachaka over the Apurimac River.
e: Floating Bridges. Used to cross calm or detained
waters and made with different vegetal fibers. It is famous
the bridge of this sort that existed in Inkan times over
the Desaguadero River (Titicaca Lake) made with braided
totora reeds that seemed to be a platform over which a large
amount of reeds were sewn to the hemp ropes.
A complete system of different services was found over the
vast Inkan road network. It was planned in order to allow
integration, safety, supplies and relaxation. A part of
this system were the Chaski, something like a post crew
formed by athletic young relay runners prepared to cover
quickly the distance between two Chaskiwasi (chaski's house)
that had an average of 2.5 Kms. (1.55 miles). Their aim
was to carry messages that could be oral or goods with ideo-graphic
meanings such as the Qhipu (Inkan accounting system consisting
in multicolored knotted strings), textiles with Tokapus
(different symbols framed by squares), some other elements
engraved or painted, etc. Moreover, the Chaskis had to carry
some other important objects for the Inka and certain noblemen:
it is traditionally known that the Inka in Qosqo used to
eat fresh fish brought from the coast through this system.
This service was uninterrupted all day long, besides being
sufficiently quick. These young runners transmitting or
passing messages could go over from 15 to 20 kms/hour (from
9.5 to 12.5 miles/h), thence from 360 to 480 Kms. per day
(from 224 to 298 miles per day).
Another element found on the roads involving services were
the Tanpu or Tambo in its Spanish form. They were important
villages, economic axles having huge lodges with capacity
to serve opportune and efficiently even dozens of thousands
of people, with enormous storehouses containing, food, clothing,
weapons and tools. They had an economic and social rule,
and public officials under direct control of Qosqo. They
possessed all the facilities that were found in the cities
too, such as communication posts, temples, astral observatories,
etc., and occupied strategic spots in order to offer timely
comfort for the traveling masses. They were normally located
between distances of one walking day, that is, between 40
to 50 kms. (25 to 31 miles). It is obvious that there were
different Tambo categories; the less important ones offering
only lodge were found every half walking day, between 20
to 25 kms. (12.5 to 15.5 miles). Departing from Qosqo through
the 7 most important roads (after a half walking day) following
the sense of the clock hands were (clockwise and beginning
on the north) P'isaq, Quispikanchi or Pikillaqta, Yaurisque,
Wanoquite, Jakijawana or Zurite, Chinchero and Calca; after
one walking day following the same direction were more important
Tambos such as Paucartambo, Urkostambo, Pakariqtambo, Tambobamba,
Limatambo, Ollantaytambo and Amparaes.
